Facts worth knowing about Ukraine

How big is Ukraine?

Published

09.08.2024

Ukraine is the largest country among those located entirely in Europe. But currently, Russia occupies about 20% of Ukraine’s territory.

With an area of 603,628 square kilometers (or 233,030 square miles), Ukraine is the largest country in Europe. Ukraine is twice the size of Italy and four times the size of Greece. The total length of the Ukrainian border is 6,992 kilometers (or 4,344 miles), which is equal to the distance between Washington and Berlin.

Ukraine is rich in nature: forests, steppes, a small desert and wide access to the Black and Azov seas. Two mountain ranges, the Carpathian Mountains and the Crimean Mountains, occupy up to 5% of the territory. Also, Ukraine has 25% of all chernozem (black soil) reserves on the planet.

But as of the end of 2023, Russia occupied almost 20% of the territories of Ukraine – 109,000 square kilometers. Five regions of Ukraine are partially occupied, and Russia has full control over the Crimean Peninsula. The area of the temporarily occupied lands is roughly the size of Iceland or three Belgiums.

Why is Ukraine’s victory important to the world?

Published

09.08.2024

Ukraine’s victory in this war will be a safeguard against new possible wars in Europe and the world. It will protect the world from the uncontrolled nuclear proliferation, which will definitely happen if the world does not help Ukraine, because other countries will not feel safe despite all the guarantees and political alliances. Also, the victory of Ukraine will protect the world from the global food crisis, because Ukraine is one of the leading agricultural exporters. And since the war has a genocidal character, the victory of Ukraine is important to prevent the destruction of Ukrainians and thereby defend the idea of a democratic world.

Ukraine’s victory will stop Russia’s further aggression in Europe. It will also be an important signal of deterrence for the leaders of other dictatorships, in particular for China. Russia has repeatedly declared its intention to seize other countries, in particular, the Baltic states, Poland, Romania, Moldova, and even the Czech Republic.

If Ukraine does not prevail, other dictatorships, and there are 59 of them in the world today, may unleash new wars. This means that the European economies will switch to a war footing, that is, all the resources of the states will be mobilized for military production.

Ukraine is a major global food producer. In the 20th century, Ukraine underwent colonization because of its black soil. Today, Russia expropriates Ukrainian food and blocks the supply of Ukrainian agricultural products to the world. If the war continues like this, people in Africa and around the world will face real food

Is it forbidden to speak Russian in Ukraine?

Published

29.05.2024

Ukraine has no bans on the use of any language, in particular Russian. There is a law that regulates the functioning of Ukrainian as a state language. The stories that the Russian language is allegedly forbidden in Ukraine are nothing more than a fruit of the imagination of Russian propagandists.

Many Ukrainians continue to speak Russian in everyday life. According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group in February 2024, 12% of Ukrainians speak only Russian and 28% – use both Russian and Ukrainian languages. In the southern and eastern regions, these figures are much higher than the nationwide rate: 22% and 46%, respectively, in the South of Ukraine and 25% and 51% – in the East of Ukraine.

However, Ukrainian has the status of the only state language in Ukraine. This means that its use is mandatory in government agencies, in public organizations, at enterprises, in state institutions of education, science, and culture, as well as in the service sector. At the same time, the Law of Ukraine On Supporting the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language does not in any way regulate the spheres of religious ceremonies and private communication. The Russian language is not mentioned in it at all and is not separated into a special category – it is only about the state Ukrainian language. Also, there are no “bans” on the Russian language in other laws and regulations of Ukraine.

The fact that the Russian language is allegedly prohibited in Ukraine is another fiction by Russian propaganda. What’s more, it is not new. It was under the pretext of “protecting the Russian-speaking population” that Russia occupied Crimea and some areas of Luhansk and Donetsk regions in 2014. It also stated the same as one of the reasons for the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Without the interference and influence of Russia, there were no language-related problems in Ukraine at all.

Why do some Ukrainians speak Russian?

Published

26.06.2024

A significant part of Ukrainians indeed speak Russian. In most cases the reason is that over the centuries this language has been enforced by the government – at different times by the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. And during the years of Ukraine’s independence, Russia tried to influence the language situation in Ukraine by imposing Russification in all possible ways. However, without Russian influence, the language landscape in Ukraine is changing towards Ukrainian.

First, Ukrainians have the right to speak in private life the language they are comfortable with, including Russian. There are no bans. You can find more information on the issue here: Is it forbidden to speak Russian in Ukraine?

Second, mostly those Ukrainians who live in regions that have been under Russian influence for centuries speak Russian. The Russian Empire, which included most of the regions of present-day Ukraine since the 18th century, except for the Western regions, issued the Ems Ukaz, the Valuev Circular, and many other documents aimed at supplanting the Ukrainian language. A similar situation existed in Soviet times, when Russification was implemented through education, Russian was the language of career, science, etc. And just like Ukrainian, other languages of the peoples of the USSR were also displaced. Osvitoria described in detail how Ukrainians were Russified. But even after the restoration of Ukraine’s independence, Russia tried to impose the Russian language on Ukrainians through show business, media, and culture. All this had such an impact that millions of Ukrainians were born and grew up in a Russian-speaking environment, and now not all of them are able to immediately switch to Ukrainian.

However, more and more Ukrainians prefer the Ukrainian language. Currently, 65% of households speak Ukrainian. Whereas in April 2022, this index was estimated at 53%. The share of surveyed Ukrainians who started to use Ukrainian in everyday life has increased and currently stands at 65%. In April 2022, it was 53%, and in 2023 – 61%.

What is also important is that more and more Ukrainians are convinced that the Ukrainian language should be the only state and official language in Ukraine. For example, in 1997, only 18% of polled Ukrainians believed that the Russian language should be eliminated from official communication throughout Ukraine. In 2024, 66% of respondents think so. And support for granting Russian the status of the second state language has decreased dramatically over the years – from 39% to 3%.

In addition, a large share of Ukrainians is bilingual, but all surveys show that they increasingly use Ukrainian as the language of public communication, in education, at work, and in the service sector.

Why are Ukrainians so emotional when someone says “on Ukraine”, and not “in Ukraine”?

Published

09.07.2024

Ukrainians don’t like when someone says “on Ukraine” [a loan translation from Russian “на Украине (na Ukraine)”] instead of “in Ukraine” for a reason. “On Ukraine” is a disrespectful imperial form which implies that Ukraine is not a sovereign and independent state. So, the correct form is exactly “in Ukraine”.

In the modern Ukrainian language, it is correct to use the preposition “on” [на (na)] when we speak about an administrative or historical and geographic region, for example, Halychyna (Galicia), Polissia, Donbas (in Ukrainian it sounds like na Halychyni, na Polissi, na Donbasi), or when we speak about an island, for example, Bali, Malta, Cyprus (na Bali, na Malti, na Kipri).

If we are talking about a country with clear borders and sovereignty, which is a subject of international law, then it would be appropriate to use only the preposition “in” [Ukrainian “в” (v) or “у” (u)] – v Kanadi (in Canada), u Velykiy Brytaniyi (in Great Britain), v Ukraini (in Ukraine).

“On Ukraine” is an imperialistic cliché. For centuries, the Russian government tried to show that Ukraine is just an edge [from Russian “окраина” (okraina)], an outskirt, a Russian colony, and not an independent country with its own culture, history, and traditions. This cliché has taken root in the minds of Russians so deeply that they use it automatically and consider it the only correct form. And they do this only with the name of Ukraine.

When Ukrainians make remarks on the issue, Russians refer to Taras Shevchenko and other Ukrainian classics who used the phrase “on Ukraine”, saying that it is correct and here is an example. However, the classical writers, firstly, did not use the modern language, secondly, they also lived in the imperial paradigm which could influence them, and thirdly, poets are often guided by the verse size when selecting words.

Why does Ukraine dismantle the monuments and change the toponyms associated with Russia?

Published

01.08.2024

The process of dismantling the monuments and changing the toponyms associated with Russia is called decolonization. This is liberation from the colonialist markers used by the empire to mark the occupied territories. These markers were usually dedicated to either real executioners of the Ukrainian people or cultural, political or military figures who supported Russia’s imperialistic policy and became its instrument. Now, during the full-scale war, this process has become even more important for Ukraine.

While waging a genocidal war against the Ukrainian people, Russia is convincing its citizens that Ukraine or some of its territories are “Russia’s historical lands” and that “the Russian and Ukrainian peoples are fraternal”. For this purpose, propaganda uses Russian culture which demonstrates its arrogance towards other peoples’ cultures, particularly Ukrainian. The monuments and toponyms are part of this process. In practice, here is how it looks: every city in the former Soviet Union had streets, squares and monuments named after a conditional Alexander Pushkin who supported this imperialistic policy and whose figure was used by the empire as a marker on “its” territory. In fact, the monuments to Russian cultural figures, who humiliated and demonized Ukrainians in their works, traumatize Ukrainians, and that is exactly what Putin does today.

The law on decolonization provides for the removal of the names of exactly such figures, and not simply “all Russians,” from public space.

Many such monuments glorify executioners of the Ukrainian. For example, until recently, Kyiv had the monument to Bolshevik military commander Mykola Shchors, who fought against the Ukrainian People’s Republic in 1918-1919 and later was appointed as a commandant of Kyiv. It was as if a monument to General Stuelpnagel, who was the commandant of Paris in the times of the Nazi occupation, had been erected in the city. And the city of Dnipro, for instance, was called Dnipropetrovsk until 2016 in honor of a Communist Party activist, Hryhoriy Petrovsky, one of the organizers of the 1932-1933 Holodomor Famine. Can you imagine cities named after Gestapo officers in Israel? That is how toponyms glorifying figures like Petrovsky look like in Ukraine.

The issue of decolonization in Ukraine has been particularly relevant since 2014, when the demolitions of monuments to Lenin occurred throughout the country. And it has gained additional importance during the full-scale war: it is strange to continue to honor with monuments and toponyms those who had been exterminating Ukrainians in the past. As Ukrainian historian and Member of Parliament Volodymyr Viatrovych said, “For as long as a Russian soldier feels like home on the Ukrainian land while listening the same music, walking the streets with the same names and seeing the monuments to the same historical figures, the threat will exist that Russian soldiers would walk our land again.”

Why is Catherine II indeed not the founder of Odesa?

Published

01.08.2024

Catherine II is not the founder of Odesa, but just a ruler who owned the city for some time. The city existed long before both the Russian empress and the Russian Empire appeared.

The first settlement on the territory of modern Odesa dates back to the 3rd century AD. And in 1341, the port city of Kotsiubiyiv was set up here, which was later renamed as Khadjibey, and later, in the times of the Russian rule, as Odesa. A narrative calling Catherine II the founder of the city is a mere imperialistic fiction aimed at strengthening Russian propaganda’s myth about “a Russian city of Odesa.”

When Russia unleashed the full-scale war against Ukraine, scandals about the Monument to the “Founders of Odesa” never abated in the city. The central figure of the monument is Russian empress Catherine II who abolished the Ukrainian autonomy in the Russian empire, liquidated the Zaporizhian Sich, and introduced the serfdom. Odesa activists expressed their willingness to dismantle the monument, however, the Odesa municipal authorities at first opposed the initiative, but later changed their mind. This issue was separately haunted by Russian propaganda, which has been successfully spreading a narrative for a long time that Odesa is a “Russian city.” In fact, this is another imperialistic myth.

The settlement on the territory of modern Odesa existed back in the 3rd century AD. In the 13th century, this area was settled by the Nogai Horde, which became part of the Golden Horde. In 1341, the coast was captured by the Grand Duchy of Lithuania that founded the Kotsiubiyiv Fortress here. In the 15th century, it became part of the Ottoman Empire and was renamed as Khadjibey. In 1789, the fortress was conquered by the Russian Empire. At that time, the Russian empress liked to give Greek names to the southern cities, and she renamed the recently conquered city as Odesa.

During the rule of Catherine II, the city indeed actively developed. But this development was driven not by her love for the city, but by political ambitions. The empress deployed her fleet here and the port became an important spot in the development of trade between the Russian Empire and Europe.

Why is it important for Ukrainians to speak Ukrainian?

Published

01.08.2024

When speaking Ukrainian, we, the Ukrainians, are a live proof of the fact that the Ukrainians and the Russians are not “a single people,” and that this war is Russia’s genocide against the Ukrainian people. Active use of the Ukrainian language also motivates foreign companies to adapt their products and services for our language and thus provide Ukrainians with jobs. In addition, the prevalence of the Ukrainian language motivates foreigners to learn exactly Ukrainian and dive deeper into our culture and history, so as to get closer to Ukrainians and support Ukraine.

Despite the fact that many Ukrainians still speak Russian for a number of reasons (Why do some Ukrainian refugees speak Russian?), even more people prefer Ukrainian. The first and foremost reason of the importance of switching to Ukrainian is that Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians are a live proof of the fact that the Ukrainians and the Russians are not “a single people” and they are not even “fraternal” peoples. (Why are Ukrainians and Russians not “fraternal” peoples?) Therefore, the ongoing war is not fratricidal – Russia cowardly invaded Ukraine and is carrying out genocide against the Ukrainian people.

The second important argument in favor of switching to Ukrainian is the economy. The more people speak Ukrainian, the more foreign companies are motivated to adapt their products and services for our language. And this means additional jobs for Ukrainians and extra orders for Ukrainian business.

Also, the use of the Ukrainian language by Ukrainians motivates foreigners to learn Ukrainian and thus go deeper into our culture and history. In such a way, foreign people become aware of Ukraine’s important contribution to the global cultural landscape, the similar values respected by Ukrainians and Europeans, and feel affinity for Ukrainians. As a result, Ukraine will have more support from other countries of the world.

Finally, it is Russian propaganda who insists that “it does not matter what language you speak.” In that case, why has Russia been doing everything to destroy and root out the Ukrainian language for centuries? And why are they destroying everything Ukrainian on the occupied territories – burning books, replacing street signs, switching education and all spheres of life to Russian, blocking access to Ukrainian content?

When will Ukraine become a member of the European Union?

Published

12.08.2024

There is no exact answer to when this will happen. But what is important is that the path to membership is irreversible for Ukraine. Ukrainians have already overcome many important milestones along the way: they made their own democratic choice during the Revolution of Dignity, built a network of anti-corruption institutions, and have implemented and continue to implement numerous economic and legal reforms.

However, there is still much work to be done: from free competition in the economy to improving the tax and customs sectors, from finalizing decentralization to introducing “green standards.” In general, Ukraine needs to make its legislation as streamlined with the European one as possible.

It is impossible to say for sure when Ukraine will become a member of the European Union – experts have suggested that this could happen by 2030. But this path is irreversible.

Ukraine has been intensively moving towards the EU for more than ten years and it has done a lot on this path. These are a clear course towards democratization and strengthening the role of civil society, decentralization, and the introduction of a number of rules and laws that have made our procurement transparent, data accessible to citizens, and the work of government agencies more open. Ukraine has also created a network of anti-corruption agencies and continues to reform the entire law enforcement sector. And during the full-scale war, it adopted an anti-oligarchic law, reformed the Constitutional Court, completed the vetting of candidates for the High Council of Justice, and created the High Qualification Commission of Judges. Ukraine has also adapted to European standards its laws on combating money laundering, on audiovisual media services, and on national minorities.

It is important to realize that there is still a lot of work to be done. Ukraine needs to implement numerous reforms and bring its legislation closer to European standards. In particular, we need to reform public administration and complete all aspects of decentralization, improve tax and customs legislation, as well as environmental legislation. At the same time, we need to continue implementing the reforms we have started, strengthen the fight against corruption and harmonize Ukrainian legislation with European standards. According to preliminary estimates, we need to implement about 27,000 EU requirements and standards to join the union. However, 4,400 of them have already been implemented.

Every citizen in their place can be useful and work to accelerate this movement. The main thing for Ukraine now is to change quickly and qualitatively to become a full-fledged part of the big European family.

Why is the breakup of ties with the Russian Orthodox Church a necessity for Ukraine, and not a crackdown on freedom of religion?

Published

28.08.2024

The Russian Orthodox Church is a structure controlled by the Kremlin. Hence, the activities of any structures associated with the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine, particularly the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP), pose threat to the country’s national security. Bill No. 8371, which has been adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine recently and then signed into law by the President of Ukraine, provides for a mechanism of breaking all ties with the Russian Orthodox Church and offers options for the UOC MP communities to continue their activities. If they do not break the ties, their registration will be terminated.

At the same time, this law does not breach the European Convention on Human Rights, although that is exactly what the Russian propaganda and the UOC MP clergy are trying to convince everyone of. Moreover, this law was also backed by the Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations.

The Russian Orthodox Church, which has been recognized as a Russian propaganda tool by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), is effectively an extension of the Putin regime.

Since day one of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, 67 ministers from various Ukrainian churches and religious organizations have become victims of Russian occupiers, some even while performing their sacred duties. Some of them met a martyr’s death while performing their service in liturgical vestments. Over 630 places of worship, including churches, mosques, synagogues, and houses of prayer, have been destroyed or damaged by Russian shelling.

The Russian occupation authorities have systematically repressed religious freedom, targeting not only denominations banned by Russian law, such as Jehovah’s Witnesses and Hizb ut-Tahrir, but also all religious organizations independent of the Moscow Patriarchate. This has led to a rapid decline in religious freedom in territories not under the control of the Ukrainian Government.

Numerous Christian religious communities within the temporarily occupied territories have been forcibly compelled to submit to the de jure ‘religious’ organization, the Russian Orthodox Church, which in reality serves as an instrument of Russian state power. The activities of the Russian Orthodox Church are aimed at destroying the Ukrainian statehood, culture and identity. It openly supports Russian aggression, glorifying atrocities against the Ukrainian people and praising Russian murderers. These actions demonstrate Russia’s systematic exploitation of religion as a weapon in its war of aggression against Ukraine.

Meanwhile, the UOC MP pretends to have allegedly broken all ties with the Russian Orthodox Church through changing its statute. But the reality is different – a religious studies expertise showed that in fact the UOC MP is still linked with the Russian Church. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) opened more than 100 cases against the UOC MP priests, 26 of whom have already been sentenced. And some of them appeared to be so valuable to Russia that they were even swapped for prisoners of war.

Taking all this into account, Ukraine had to take measures and deprive the religious structures associated with Russia of the possibility to carry out their activities. This is one of the components of Ukraine’s decolonization, the same as the removal of the monuments associated with Russia. This is what the absolute majority of Ukrainians wanted. Therefore, the President of Ukraine signed into law bill No. 8371 which bans the activities of the structures linked with the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine and proposes the UOC MP communities to break all ties with the Russian Church. They must do this within nine months.

After the first reading of this bill, the UOC MP claimed violation of human rights. In fact, Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights provides for certain restrictions if needed for public security in the democratic society. Taking into account many years of the UOC MP’s pro-Russian activities, this is exactly the case. In addition, bill 8371 was backed by the Ukrainian Council of Churches, which declared that “religious rights and freedoms are respected in Ukraine even in the time of the brutal war”, and the Russian Church, along with its affiliated structures, have no place in Ukraine. Therefore, the adopted law is a logical continuation of the decolonization policy and breaking up all ties with the aggressor state, and not a crackdown on human rights and freedom of religion.

This text includes materials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

What can Ukrainians be proud of?

Published

27.01.2025

Ukrainians defend democratic values at the cost of their lives

Ukrainians can take pride of their love of freedom. This nation not only declares democratic values, but actually fights for them, even at the cost of their lives. In fact, throughout the years of Ukraine’s independence, Ukrainians have been defending their freedom in one way or another. For almost eleven of the 32 years since Ukraine became a sovereign state, Ukrainians have been confronting the much larger and richer in resources aggressor state of Russia. However, Ukrainians have been demonstrating this freedom-loving spirit even before independence.

Even if we do not delve deep into history, in relatively recent times of the Soviet Union, Ukrainians showed their resilience and compelled the Soviet authorities to meet their demands. It is about the Revolution on Granite in the fall of 1990, a peaceful act of civil disobedience during which several hundred students went on a two-week hunger strike in the center of Kyiv. The students had several demands, including the re-election of the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR, the return of Ukrainian soldiers and military service for Ukrainians only on the territory of the republic, the nationalization of the Communist Party of Ukraine’s property, as well as the resignation Vitaliy Masol, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR. That was an unprecedented act for the Soviet authorities, and they deployed a force several times larger than the number of protesters to the site of the demonstration. However, the fearless protesters stood strong. Eventually, two weeks later, the protests ended with the signing of a resolution by the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR, which guaranteed the fulfillment of the protesters’ demands.

After the declaration of Ukraine’s independence, Ukrainians have repeatedly demonstrated their desire for freedom. For example, in 2000-2001, large-scale protests under the slogan “Ukraine without Kuchma” against the government of then-President Leonid Kuchma swept across Ukraine. And in 2004, the Orange Revolution took place in Ukraine with people refusing to tolerate a large-scale election fraud and demanding a second vote.

Ten years later, when the government decided to curtail European integration regardless of the will of Ukrainians, people once again refused to accept it and organized Euromaidan rallies. The termless protest was accompanied by repeated violent dispersals of protesters and eventually mass shootings by Berkut riot police. But this did not stop Ukrainians, and they eventually succeeded in changing the government. Those events were later called the Revolution of Dignity.

However, the Kremlin did not like the fact that Ukrainians forced the pro-Russian government out of the country, once again demonstrating their desire for European values. Therefore, Russia started open aggression against Ukraine, occupying Crimea and launching a hybrid war in Donbas. Since then, Ukrainians have been defending their country with arms.

And in 2022, Russia openly launched a large-scale invasion and has been terrorizing Ukrainians with missiles and occupying Ukrainian territories for the third year in a row. All this time, Russia has been poisoning the lives of Ukrainians, who suffer daily losses and are in danger, but continue to resist. And although the aggressor country is much larger and has disproportionately large resources to spend on the war, Ukrainians do not give up and continue to defend freedom and democracy.

Ukrainians can be proud of the scientific achievements of their people.

Ukrainians are incredibly inventive, hardworking and smart. Naturally, representatives of this nation have significantly contributed to global scientific progress. It is impossible to list all the groundbreaking inventions and discoveries made by Ukrainian scientists, but even a few examples are enough to show that Ukrainians have every reason to take pride of their scientific inventions and discoveries.

For instance, Ukrainian scientist Ivan Puluj was the first to develop the X-ray tube, a prototype of modern X-ray machines, 14 years before Wilhelm Röntgen patented a similar device. Unfortunately, since Puluj did not patent his invention, he was not officially recognized as the inventor of the X-ray. However, the global scientific community is well aware of this, with even Albert Einstein publicly acknowledging Puluj’s contribution.

In 1931, Ukrainian-born Igor Sikorsky created the first helicopter to be mass-produced, the Sikorsky R4. The United States was the first to purchase Sikorsky’s helicopters for military use. Over time, Sikorsky became the owner of a powerful aerospace company.

The first kerosene lamp was also invented by Ukrainians, specifically the Lviv-based pharmacists Ignacy Lukasiewicz and Jan Zeh. While this invention may not seem significant today, it revolutionized science in its time. In 1853, they created a lamp powered by the combustion of kerosene and devised a new method of obtaining kerosene through the distillation and purification of oil.

Even the first plaster cast and the introduction of anesthesia are Ukrainian contributions. Mykola Pirogov, a Ukrainian doctor and founder of field surgery, pioneered the use of anesthesia in surgical procedures and was the first in the history of global medicine to apply a plaster cast during the Crimean War (1853–1856).

Another notable Ukrainian inventor is Petro Prokopovych, who developed the frame beehive and established Europe’s first beekeeping school. Prokopovych extensively studied bee biology and revolutionized beekeeping methods. In 1814, he introduced the movable frame as a distinct part of a beehive, enabling beekeepers to study bee colonies and harvest honey without harming the bees. In 1828, he founded a beekeeping school in his native village in Chernihiv region, later relocating it to a specially purchased farmstead. Over 53 years, the school trained more than 700 skilled beekeepers. At its peak, Prokopovych’s bee farm housed approximately 10,000 colonies. He published over 60 articles on beekeeping. Unfortunately, in 1879, after Prokopovych’s death, the imperial authorities destroyed his school, his unpublished manuscripts, and portraits of the scientist.

This list could go on for much longer and would undoubtedly include dozens of entries. However, even these few examples demonstrate that Ukrainians have made a significant contribution to the development of science and civilization. Ukrainian scientists are behind a wide range of discoveries – from groundbreaking medical innovations that define modern healthcare to ingenious engineering designs that have allowed humanity to conquer the seas and overcome gravity. And this is something Ukrainians can be justifiably proud of.

How Christmas is marked in Ukraine, and when?

Published

25.12.2024

Ukrainians treat Christmas as one of the greatest holidays. A lot of national Christmas traditions have been cherished for centuries. Until recently, most Ukrainians celebrated Christmas according to the Gregorian calendar on January 7. But in August 2023, a reform was implemented in Ukraine to switch the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church to the Revised Julian calendar and start celebrating Christmas on December 25. However, some people still mark this holiday on January 7 or even on both dates.

Christmas is one of the most important holidays for Ukrainians. Primarily, it is a religious holiday commemorating the birth of Jesus Christ. But, in fact, almost all Ukrainians, and not only believers, celebrate Christmas, because in a broader sense this holiday symbolizes family warmth and joy.

In addition, there are a lot of Christmas traditions in Ukraine. They are slightly different depending on the region, but the main thing that unites the whole of Ukraine is Holy Eve before Christmas when Ukrainians cool twelve Lenten dishes, particularly kutia. Ukrainians also go caroling on Christmas.

In the past, Ukraine celebrated Christmas on January 7 and Christmas Eve respectively on January 6. It is because Ukraine used to follow the Julian calendar, which is less common. However, in 2022, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine declared its consent to the transition to the Gregorian (Revised Julian) calendar. In August 2023, together with the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, it adopted the so-called calendar reform. Thus, the date of Christmas, like other fixed church holidays, was moved two weeks forward, to December 25, which is also called Catholic Christmas.

It is worth noting that the church did not do this just because some individuals decided to do so. Public discussions about moving the celebration of Christmas have been going on for a long time. And in recent years, the demand for this has grown significantly. For example, a survey by the Rating Sociological Group showed that in 2022, 44% of Ukrainians supported moving Christmas to December 25, while a year earlier this figure was 26%. Subsequently, a KIIS poll showed that in 2023, 53% of Ukrainians celebrated Christmas on December 25 and 17% – on both dates.

It is worth noting that there is no coercion in this and people are not forbidden to celebrate on January 7, as before, or on both dates if they are not yet accustomed to the shift. Due to the martial law in Ukraine, there is no day off for Christmas, so those who celebrate on December 25 and those who celebrate on January 7 are in an equal position.

Why doesn’t Zelenskyy wear a suit for official meetings?

Published

06.03.2025

It is no accident that President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy has been wearing military or casual clothing since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. His style serves as a symbol of Ukraine’s fight for its survival – that is what really matters now, rather than the color of a tie. Similarly, during wartime, UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and other leaders adopted the same approach.

In the case of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, his tactical clothing or a sweatshirt with the Ukrainian coat of arms are wartime symbols – emphasizing that Ukraine is at war and the head of state stands united with both the military and civilians of his country.

Such outfits contrast the vision of the traditional attire of the political elite. However, even during his election campaign, Zelenskyy presented himself as a “president without excessive pathos,” staying close to his people. During the full-scale war, this message has gained even more importance, and his refusal to wear business suits is yet another way to convey it.

Zelenskyy’s style sends a clear message to Ukraine’s international partners. His informal clothing is a visual reminder of the ongoing war in Ukraine and urges the West to provide even more active support. It conveys the idea: “We don’t have time to choose outfits – we are facing far more serious challenges here.”

In addition, this attire symbolizes practicality. During wartime, business suits may appear out of place, especially when the president visits frontline areas, bomb shelters or hospitals where wounded soldiers are being treated.

Zelenskyy is not the only leader who has abandoned business suits during times of crisis. For example, during World War II, Winston Churchill wore his so-called siren suit, even during his official visits to the United States. Similarly, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt often wore a military peacoat, particularly for military meetings, inspections, and even consultations with allies. The leader of the French Resistance and future president of France, Charles de Gaulle, also primarily wore a military uniform throughout the war, including during negotiations with allies, emphasizing his role in the fight for France’s liberation.

What should we understand about Mindichgate, and does this case mean that Ukraine is hopelessly corrupt?

Published

10.12.2025

The so-called Mindichgate, or the story of a corruption scheme in Ukraine’s energy sector, specifically within the state company Energoatom, is direct evidence that Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure is independent and functioning effectively. There are no “untouchables” in Ukraine, and the state is capable of confronting its internal enemy – corruption – openly and transparently, which is a key feature of any democracy.

The NABU and SAPO operation, known as Midas, which uncovered a large-scale corruption scheme involving extortion of money from Energoatom’s contractors, is still ongoing, and NABU has promised further revelations. It is not yet clear who else in Ukrainian politics may turn out to be involved. However, one thing is already certain: this case is not a sign of weakness. It is a proof of the resilience of Ukraine’s anti-corruption system during the full-scale war.

NABU and SAPO are independent from political influence. The case was initiated and is being handled by NABU and SAPO, institutions created under pressure from civil society and international partners and endowed with procedural independence from the President and the Government. This ensures that the investigation is not political revenge but the implementation of the law. The independence of these bodies was defended in the summer of 2025 by active young people after the government hurriedly adopted draft law No. 12414, which aimed to place NABU and SAPO under the Prosecutor General.

The investigation does not spare high-ranking officials, and there are no “untouchables” in Ukraine. The Mindichgate case reaches the highest levels of government, including officials from the Defense Ministry and the Office of the President. The fact that searches were conducted at the residence of Andriy Yermak, the head of the President’s Office, is unprecedented. This fully debunks propaganda narratives about “protecting one’s own people” and proves that the law in Ukraine applies equally to everyone.

The investigation strengthens trust in Ukraine in the West. Ukraine’s ability to publicly and effectively investigate such cases is the strongest proof to Western partners that their anti-corruption expectations are being met and that their assistance is properly monitored.

The investigation aligns with EU requirements. Transparency and independence of the anti-corruption system are key prerequisites for Ukraine’s further progress toward EU membership.

The key conclusion: what is happening in Ukraine is not an increase in corruption, but its effective and public exposure. The Midas operation proves this. This investigation is not a sign of weakness, but a demonstration of the strength of Ukraine’s anti-corruption system during the full-scale war.